After the first elections of 1976, the process of setting up the party stage continued with the creation of new parties. During the same period of time, some phenomena that will become common features of the party and politics environment made their appearance: We witness endless parties splits and dissensions, departure of executives, the emergence of new formations by dissidents or dissidents joining other parties, and party mergers. The end result is the continuous fragmentation of political forces and the emergence of a situation that facilitates Turkey in increasing her control over the life of the community, beyond that through the military presence and the economy.

The import and establishment of large numbers, tens of thousands, of settlers from various parts of Anatolia and the Black Sea among a community of about 100,000 people began to pose various problems: Criminality and difficulties of newcomers to adapt to the mentality and habits of the Turkish Cypriot community were causing reactions. The moderate Fazıl Küçük, Vice President of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960, published in his newspaper, Halkin Sesi, in 1978, highly critical comments about the situation. “Take them back,” he wrote of the settlers. This and other phenomena were the starting point for some kind of demystification of the situation that emerged, with the ‘liberation’ of the Turkish Cypriots, brought by the invasion of the Turkish army.

The first split in the ruling National Unity Party – UBP took place in 1979, with the departure of five of its officials, who formed the Democratic People’s Party – DHP. Led by Nejat Konuk, the new party was strengthened in 1981 when it joined forces with the Popular Party – HP, which had at the time one MP. His second MP had resigned and joined the Communal Liberation Party – TKP, earlier, in 1977.

The settlement in the northern part of Cyprus of tens of thousands of settlers from Turkey and the granting of civil rights to them created the conditions for the creation of organisations to represent them. At the end of 1976, retired Turkish army officers founded the Turkish Unity Party – Türk Birliği Partisi (TBP), which was considered the Cypriot version of the far-right Nationalist Action Party – Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi (MHP) of Turkey.

In the 1981 elections, the conservative National Unity Party and the left-wing Community Liberation Party – TKP and the Republican Turkish Party – CTP competed with the Democratic People’s Party – Demokratik Halk Parti (DHP) and the Turkish Unity Party – Turk Birlik Partisi (TBP). Two smaller formations, the National Target Party – Milli Hedef Parti (MHP) and the Social Justice Party – Sosyal Adalet Partisi (SAP) competed also, by nominating candidates only in the constituency of Famagusta.

The split suffered by the National Unity Party – UBP and the general climate of relative frustration among some groups of the population, in combination with other factors, such as the competition from the settlers Rebirth Party – YDP for the settlers vote, led to a decline of its influence and the loss of the absolute majority. With 42.5%, and an evenly distributed vote in the constituencies, it came ahead of the Communal Liberation Party – TKP, which, though, increased its influence by 42%, from 20% to 28.5%. In the Kyrenia constituency, it doubled its 1976 share, from 17% to 34.4%. The Turkish Republican Party – CTP had a smaller increase, by 16.7%. The Turkish Unity Party – TBP was limited to 5.5%, with an almost double share (10.2%) in the constituency of Famagusta, where there is a higher concentration of settlers. The Democratic People’s Party – DHP, dissidents of the National Unity Party – UBP,  secured 8.1%, while the two small formations SAP and MHP received less than 0.15% of the vote each.

Of special interest is the distribution of votes by group of communities. The National Unity Party appeared more influential among Turkish Cypriots, the traditional communities, and those that were displaced from the south, and in the city of Nicosia. The competition of the settlers party, which received 15.6% and 30.6% in communities with a majority or non-mixed population of settlers, deprived the National Unity Party – UBP of a good part of its 1976 vote share, reduced from between 65-72% down to 35 – 40% in 1981.

The Communal Liberation Party – TKP also received its higher vote share in the same community groups as the National Unity Party – UBP, while in the communities with a non-mixed settler population its share was limited to 17.2%. In communities where Turkish Cypriots from the south were a majority over the settlers (group 2-10%) TKP got twice that percentage (34.1%).

The Turkish Republican Party – CTP vote was unequally distributed, with its highest score in the city of Famagusta (20%), then in communities with Turkish Cypriots from the south (18%), while in the city of Nicosia it was limited to 14.2%. In settler communities, it remained down to 4.8%.

The Democratic People’s Party – DHP, had its better performance in the city of Nicosia (11.7%) and in the settler communities (9.1 – 10.9%). Its smallest percentage was in the city of Famagusta (4.7%) where a strong competition between all other parties was evident.

The distribution of the settlers’ vote is a noteworthy feature, as the group shows their preference for the National Unity Party – UBP, despite the presence of the TBP, supposed to represent them. We note also that 22% expressed a preference for the two left-wing parties TKP and CTP. Overall, the settlers’ party secures less than 40% of this group’s vote.

It cannot go unnoticed that the number of voters in the communities with a majority or non-mixed settlers population increased by 50% in five years, from 5,900 to 7,300, which is indicative of their mass naturalization by the regime.