The events of 1974 and the displacement of populations, violent in one way or another, led to the flight of 160-170,000 Greek Cypriots from the northern part of the island and about 42,000 Turkish Cypriots from the south, to the opposite direction. After the first agreed transfer of Turkish Cypriot women and children from Tochni to the north, in September 1974, two major movements followed in January 1975 and September 1975. In the first case, 9390 Turkish Cypriots who had sought protection in the British Sovereign Bases, in Paramali , were transferred via Turkey to the north. The remaining 8,000 in various villages, mainly in the Paphos district, were relocated in the north in accordance with the Clerides-Denktash agreement, known as the Third Vienna agreement, in August-September 1975.

As early as from 1964, the Turkish Cypriot leaders began to establish the structures of an autonomous administration of the community. On the 29 to 30 December 1967, they proclaimed the Provisional Autonomous Turkish Cypriot Administration, with the next step being the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus, on February 13, 1975. In June of the same year, they approved the constitution of the new entity in a referendum.

With the above, the organization of party life began. To the only organized political force until then, the left-wing Republican Turkish Party – Cumhuriyetçi Turk Partisi (CTP), founded in 1970, and led by Ahmet Mithat Berberoğlu, three more parties were added: Alper Orhon formed the Populist Party – Halkçı Parti (HK), Alpay Durduran the Communal Liberation Party – Toplumcu Kurtuluş Partisi (TKP) and the community leader Rauf Denktaş founded the National Unity Party – Ulusal Birlik Partisi (UBP). Thus, against the dominance of Rauf Denktaş and the conservative forces, under a state of emergency until 1974, and full control by the Turkish Army after the summer of 1974, three parties with left and center-left ideology claimed a role of their own. This was not an easy task, given that the Turkish Cypriot leader was embodying the dream of a significant portion of the community, which, after surviving a decade of insecurity and harsh conditions, felt it had found its promised land.

In the first ever elections after 1974, the National Unity Party – UBP won an absolute majority, with 53.7%, followed by the Communal Liberation Party – TKP (20%), while the Republican Turkish Party – CTP and the Populist Party – HP followed, with one point difference between them (12, 9%, 11.9%). The first election of the community was marked by an abstention rate of just over 25%, with the towns of Nicosia and Famagusta having the highest percentage, with 31.9% and 31.2%. The lowest abstention rates were in communities with a non-mixed settler population (16.4%), at approximately the same percentage in Turkish Cypriot communities from the south (16.6%) and communities with a majority of settlers over Turkish Cypriots from the south (21%).

When examining the distribution of votes by group of communities we observe the following: The National Unity Party – UBP secured an absolute majority in all community groups, with overwhelming percentages in communities with a majority or non-mixed settler population (64.7% and 71.9%). Its lowest percentage was in the town of Nicosia, with 43,5%, i.e. 10 points lower than its overall performance. Of the other parties, the performance of the Communal Liberation Party – TKP is of interest, because, despite its short presence in the life of the community, it gained 20%, with its highest percentage, 24%, in communities where Turkish Cypriots from the south were in equal numbers with the newcomers from Turkey. Despite its lower percentages in communities with a majority or a non-mixed settler population, its performance (12.8% and 13.9%) is not negligible. The oldest party, the Republican Turkish Party – CTP, had the lowest percentage in non-mixed settler communities (4.4%), and its highest in the towns of Nicosia and Famagusta, and in communities with a majority of settlers. As far as the Populist Party is concerned, it achieved its percentage in the town of Nicosia, 19%, which was seven points higher than its general percentage, while in the communities with a majority of settlers it won only 6.4%. We observe that the allocation of the vote of traditional Turkish Cypriot communities, except in the town of Nicosia, follows the same pattern as the overall vote.