The split suffered by the National Unity Party – UBP in mid-1992 led to the foundation of the Democratic Party – DP, a by-product of a rift between the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community Rauf Denktaş and the head of the government Derviş Eroğlu. Following the 12 December 1993 election, a new situation emerged in the political life of the community, with the conservative front emerged in two equal parts since each party secured around 29% of the vote. UBP lost its exclusive dominance and, most importantly, it found itself in the opposition camp. This was the first time for UBP to be away of power, and for the Republican Turkish Party – CTP, a traditional left-wing party, to assume power, in a coalition government with DP.

CTP’s new role caused stress in the party’s political agenda and ideological orientation, with an attempt to shift to social democracy, manifested, among other, with its logo’s colour changed from red to green. It was evident that the coalition partners held different positions both on the Cyprus Problem and on other important issues, such as the accession of Cyprus and Turkey to the European Union. Differences emerged on ideological and other issues, and on day-to-day policies of the party while in power; internal problems led to a leadership change, in early 1996, with Mehmet Ali Talat replacing Özker Özgür, who had been at the head of CTP for 20 years.

The coalition DP – CTP collapsed in August 1996, marking the return to power of UBP, this time with deputies who broke-away from the DP. The latter had a new leader, Serdar Denktaş, son of the community leader Rauf Denktaş.

The main issues in politics, along with day-to-day politics, since the previous elections of 1993, were the Cyprus Problem and the fall 1993 UN proposed Confidence Building Measures, and relations with Turkey. A new question emerged and dominated the public debate, that of accession to the European Union; various critical issues arose such as whether the Republic of Cyprus could join the Union, and if ‘yes’, whether this should be before Turkey could join. Official pre-accession negotiations between Cyprus and the European Commission started in March 1998, and the role that should or could be reserved to Turkish Cypriots in the process was part of the debate. The issue remained inconclusive.

The following parties competed in the December 1998 elections:

The National Unity Party (Ulusal Birlik Partisi) – UBP, a traditional conservative and nationalist political force, which had returned to power, under the continuing leadership of Derviş Eroğlu.

The Democratic Party (Demokrat Partisi) – DP, a splitter from the UBP since 1992, continuing in power, in August 1996, after its coalition with the left wing CTP collapsed. Also, a traditional conservative force, with limitations in respect of geographical implantation and organization, because of its short presence in politics.

The Republican Turkish Party (Cumhuriyetçi Türk Partisi) – CTP, a traditional left-wing political force, in a phase of hesitancy, searching for a social democratic transformation. Its leader, Mehmet Ali Talat had succeeded Özker Özgür in 1996.

The Communal Liberation Party (Toplumcu Kurtuluş Partisi) – TKP, with social democracy values, under the leadership of Mustafa Akinci, who had served three terms as mayor of the Turkish Cypriot part of Nicosia. Akinci’s major achievements were the creation of a sewage system and a master plan of preservation and development of the divided city, promoted with Nicosia mayor Lellos Demetriades since the late 1970s.

The Patriotic Union Movement (Yurtsever Birlik Hareketi) – YBH, a new political formation, which was launched in early 1998 by Alpay Durduran, leader of the New Cyprus Party – YKP, and Özker Özgür, former leader of the CTP.

The Our Party (Bizim Partisi) – BP, also founded in early 1998, a conservative formation with Islamist connections, seemingly related to the well-known sect leader sheikh Nâzım Kıbrısî or sheikh of Lefka. The party claimed to be a liberal political force.

The National Rebirth Party (Ulusal Doğuş Partisi) – UDP, initially an UBP splitter since December 1994, named National Birth Party, it joined the DP in 1996. Claiming that DP is no different from UBP, its leaders withdrew in 1997 and reorganized under the name National Rebirth Party – UDP.

The main positions of parties on the Cyprus Problem, relations with Turkey and joining the European Union were as follows:

Main options on the agenda of the conservative parties, UBP, DP, UDP and BP, with some divergences:

The Cyprus Problem

  • In the absence of any agreed solution, the status quo should remain, as “no solution is a solution”.
  • Recognition of the TRNC is a pre-condition for any agreement, thus,
  • The solution would be a confederation of two equal states.
  • UBP opposes any CBMs, favouring an all-at-once solution.
  • UBP and DP voted in 1994 a resolution against a federal solution.

Relations with Turkey

  • Close relations with Turkey are necessary.
  • The Turkish Army is a guarantor of the Turkish Cypriots; it should remain on the island, even after a solution.
  • In case of no solution, integration with Turkey would be an option.

Accession to the European Union

  • Cyprus should not /cannot join the European Union before a solution and before Turkey joined the Union.
  • Opposition to Turkish Cypriot participation in the accession negotiations, unless they are recognized on an equal footing with the Greek Cypriots status, i.e. as a state.

Main options on the agenda of the left wing /progressive parties, CTP, TKP and YBH, with some divergences:

The Cyprus Problem

  • Support for (the agreed) bi-zonal bi-communal federal solution, considering the status quo unacceptable.
  • Oppose recognition of the TRNC
  • Strong support to CBMs, which, among other, would benefit the Turkish Cypriot economy (CTP), as one of three stages, which would lead to a solution and a federal Cyprus joining the EU (TKP).
  • A solution would benefit both communities, and,
  • The solution should be a guarantee for the preservation of the “Cypriot character” of the population, by opposition to the settlement of the northern part with Turkish citizens, which they strongly oppose.

Relations with Turkey

  • Oppose Turkey’s interference in Turkish Cypriot affairs.
  • Accept Turkey’s guarantees and the stationing of an “adequate” number of Turkish soldiers on the island after a solution.

Access to the European Union

  • Support for the whole of Cyprus to join the European Union but this should not precede the conclusion of a solution of the Cyprus Problem.
  • TKP supported accession after a solution, even in the case of Turkey not becoming an EU member.
  • Turkish Cypriot participation in the accession negotiations should be on an equal basis with the Greek Cypriots status. This would be possible if the leaders of the two communities jointly conducted the negotiations, with the participation of citizens representing the communities (RTP).
  • Turkish Cypriot participation in the accession negotiations should be only after a framework for a solution of the Cyprus Problem is agreed.

The election results

The outcome of the elections was a triumph for Eroğlu and his party UBP, which secured 40.33% of the vote, and a disaster for the DP and his new leader Serdar Denktaş; the party lost around 25% of its 1993 share, falling to 22.61%). Even worse was the result for Mehmet Ali Talat and CTP, since the fall was more spectacular, from 24.16% down to 13.61%. TKP was a relative winner with an increase of more than two percentage points (15.36% against 13.28% in 1993). The breakaway conservative formation UDP secured 4.57%, while the Durduran’s and Özgür’s YBH increased the 1993 vote of YKP to 2.51%, from 1.06%.

The performance of UBP showed a relatively uniform distribution of influence; the party finished on top of all parties in all groups of communities, whether in traditional Turkish Cypriot populations or in those with Turkish Cypriots who moved to the north from the south in 1974, 1975, or in mixed population with settlers. In exclusively settler communities, UBP was only marginally ahead with 39.61% against 39.50% for the DP. Its influence ranged from a relatively low in the town of Nicosia (36.43%) to 44.53% in communities of Turkish Cypriots from the south. Interestingly, in areas where “southerners” were a crashing majority over Turkish settlers, UBP had the second lowest score (38.80%). Apparently, the high share of the opposition in Kyrenia town and Morfou, which belong to the specific group of communities, affected the parties’ rank. The share of TKP and CTP in each of these communities was around 38% against an overall average near 29%, while UBP’s share in Kyrenia and Morfou was 35.26% and 37.72% and DP’s 15.21% and 18.15%. DP’s best performance was in communities with exclusively or majoritarian settler population (39.50%, 27.05%) and the towns of Famagusta and Nicosia (23.26%, 22.14%). Beyond Kyrenia and Morfou, best result for TKP was in the town of Nicosia (18.19% and for CTP in Famagusta. As in 1993, their influence in settler communities was the weakest, with a declining trend.

The result showed that the DP’s geographical organization had not reach a satisfactory level, to enable it to compete successfully with UBP, a party that, beyond its level of organization and established influence while in power for many years, it could use the administrative machine to gain back votes lost in 1993. UBP proved successful despite further splits it suffered after 1993.

CTP paid the price of internal stresses and dissentions caused by personal rivalries in its leadership, uncertain ideological orientations and its hesitant steps into social democracy. The new leader, Mehmet Ali Talat, blamed Rauf Denktaş for interfering in the campaign, affecting the result. In reality, this, and interference by Turkey, had been a regular phenomenon, albeit with a varying degree and intensity. The real causes of the failure were, on the one hand CTP’s internal issues and on the other hand the participation in power with a conservative party with which they had little or nothing in common.

The increase of the abstention rate, which almost doubled (13.47% against 7.14% in 1993), could provide an explanation to the failure of CTP mentioned above. We can observe a higher rate of increase in areas where the two left-wing parties, in particular CTP, had their higher influence, such as in the town of Nicosia and Turkish Cypriot communities, traditional and of those displaced from the south.

With UBP securing 24 seats out of 50, DP with 13, TKP with 7 and CTP with 6, options for forming a majority to govern were limited; against the possibility of a fragile tri-partite DP-TKP-CTP coalition with a 26-24 ratio, UBP and TKP shared power under Derviş Eroğlu, totaling 31 seats.